“There Is Nothing That Cannot Be Solved Through Discussion”

French Ambassador Urges Dialogue in Maritime Access Quest, IDP Return

France, has not only been backing Ethiopia’s political-economy reform from the outset, but also co-chairs Ethiopia’s Official Creditor Committee (OCC), alongside China.

Critical issues including development, FDI, and humanitarian needs have witnessed setbacks due to persistent challenges but currently there are signals of improvement, observes Alexis Lamek, French Ambassador to Ethiopia and representative to the African Union (AU).

On Ethiopia’s national interest of access to sea port, the ambassador stresses the request is legitimate and can be resolved through discussion and consultation with neighbor nations.

Regarding France-Africa relationship, Lamek affirms France is fundamentally renewing its relationship with the continent, deviating from the “Françafrique” —a system of overly close and personalized ties between political leaders.

It has been well over a year since Alexis Lamek was appointed French Ambassador to Ethiopia and representative to the African Union (AU), taking over from Rémi Maréchaux.

With a career spanning more than 30 years at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Lamek brings extensive international experience to Addis Ababa. His previous assignments include high-level roles at the United Nations in New York and Paris, as well as specialized diplomatic postings in Japan and Iran.

While his current appointment as Ambassador is relatively recent, Lamek is no stranger to the region’s complex geopolitics. His past experience includes numerous diplomatic missions to Africa involving the African Union, as well as an official visit to Ethiopia a decade ago.

A central figure in French regional diplomacy, Lamek has dedicated his tenure to championing women’s rights, spearheading initiatives to combat gender-based violence, and driving women’s empowerment.

Lamek’s influence extends into the economic sphere, where he underscores France’s support for Ethiopia’s macroeconomic reforms, gender-inclusive development, and climate initiatives. His overarching vision for Franco-Ethiopian relations is rooted in the pursuit of sustainable and equitable growth.

Describing Ethiopia as a country that has left an “everlasting impression” on him, Lamek emphasizes its strategic importance to France. He views his role as a vital link in a broad bilateral relationship that encompasses investment, development cooperation, peace-building, and the preservation of cultural heritage.

In a comprehensive interview with The Reporter’s Abraham Tekle, Lamek explores the nuances of the bilateral relationship. He addresses key topics including humanitarian aid, the peace process, and Ethiopia’s quest for sea access. The Ambassador also clarifies the French government’s stance on Ethiopia’s ongoing efforts to sedure debt within the context of the Official Creditors Committee (OCC) and discusses the regional stability implications of Somaliland’s recognition, among other critical issues. EXCERPTS:

 

The Reporter: How does France assess the state of bilateral relations with Ethiopia, especially in light of recent high-level exchanges and commitments to deepen economic and investment cooperation?

Alexis Lamek: France maintains a robust and multifaceted partnership with Ethiopia, characterized by deep-seated economic cooperation. From the outset, we have supported Ethiopia’s ambitious reform agenda. During the initial Homegrown Economic Reform program, France provided essential funding to facilitate the implementation of the IMF-backed initiatives; a commitment we have recently renewed for the second phase of these reforms.

Our support is rooted in the belief that the Ethiopian authorities are demonstrating a formidable political will to transform the nation. By reforming and opening the economy, the government aims to create a more liberalized system for the direct benefit of the Ethiopian people. France is dedicated to bolstering this transition through two primary channels: direct budget support within the IMF framework and specialized technical assistance. This ensures that the relevant ministries and authorities have the necessary guidance to implement their reform agendas effectively. It’s very, very ambitious.

A critical pillar of our commitment involves addressing Ethiopia’s debt. As you know, the country defaulted a few years ago. The default has presented a significant obstacle to economic stability. In response, France co-chaired the Official Creditor Committee (OCC) alongside China. Through this collaborative platform, we have successfully worked to address and manage the restructuring of Ethiopia’s debt.

At present, we are committed along with the Ministry of Finance to make sure that we can sign the bilateral agreement between the two nations. In this regard, we are committed in order to complete fully the debt restructuring.

Last week, the OCC formally rejected a restructuring deal Ethiopia had reached with bondholders in relation to its one-billion-dollar Eurobond. Previous reports indicated that bondholders were considering legal action against Ethiopia. How does France view these developments?

There is an ongoing discussion taking place now. I met the Finance Minister [Ahmed Shide] this morning and he told me that there was a discussion going on of course with the representative of the Eurobond-holders. They hope they will be able to find a good solution. What we want, of course, is to complete this restructuring process. This is not in our hands. We’ve done our part, but I hope this can be completed soon because at the end we have this agreement. With all of them, we have signed all the different bilateral agreements. As far as we are concerned, the only thing we want of course is everything to be settled. I think we’re very close.

What do you expect in terms of Ethiopia’s debt restructuring process and a prospective deal with bondholders?

I really cannot tell you that as it’s for them to tell after discussing with the Ethiopians, but I hope everybody has made some important efforts with the states, which are by far the largest holders of [Ethiopia’s] debt. The Eurobond is just a tiny part of it. So, we have all made efforts together with our Chinese friends as co-chair of this OCC process.

For Ethiopia, the issue is very important because it’s a question of sustainability. It would also give the possibility for Ethiopia to get new loans, as you know loans are necessary as long as they are done in a sustainable manner.

What can you tell us about cooperation in terms of investment?

Investment is a very strong request from the Ethiopian authorities, who are trying to attract investment. There is actually the French Employees Association organized last November, which saw the first EU-Ethiopia Investment Conference in Paris. The forum was a very strong signal.

The Ethiopian government is making substantial efforts to enhance the country’s investment climate. These initiatives are essential because, while Ethiopia is a massive market with an impressive workforce, investors still face numerous obstacles that currently hinder its attractiveness. The encouraging news, however, is that the situation is improving as the authorities actively work to resolve these challenges.

However, currently, many investors opt for other African or neighboring countries over Ethiopia due to these persistent difficulties. Nevertheless, I am optimistic that the combination of the Homegrown Economic Reform program and the government’s dedicated efforts to address these hurdles will turn the tide. Things are poised to get better as these structural issues are tackled.

To facilitate this progress, we have established a dedicated working group in partnership with the Ministry of Finance. We meet on a regular basis to systematically address the specific difficulties encountered by French companies, resolving them one by one to ensure a smoother operational environment for investors.

We try to address them one by one. But it is not easy. While we must acknowledge the presence of significant inertia, I am deeply impressed by the resolute political will demonstrated by the Minister and his team. This high-level commitment gives me confidence that we will eventually succeed in making the country a more attractive destination for international business.

There are already several encouraging signs. A major development recently was the announcement that Carrefour, the French retail giant, signed an agreement with MIDROC Ethiopia to open large-scale stores across the country. This is a vital signal regarding Ethiopia’s growing economic appeal. If we continue to work together collaboratively, I am hopeful we will achieve significant results.

Regarding the infrastructural support, the Ethiopian authorities have made a strong appeal for infrastructural development, specifically within the energy sector. While Ethiopia has become a major power producer, particularly with the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), the existing grid requires significant modernization. Substantial work is needed to improve the distribution of electricity, and France is actively engaged in addressing these systemic needs.

To support these efforts, the French Development Agency [AFD] approved an €80 million loan at the end of last year. This marks the first such loan to Ethiopia since 2019, specifically earmarked to modernize the power grid and enhance its reliability. Notably, this project serves as the inaugural “Global Gateway” flagship initiative for Ethiopia—a European infrastructure program designed to strengthen the networks of partner countries. This crucial project is co-financed through a partnership between France, the European Union, the European Investment Bank [EIB], and the French Treasury.

What about humanitarian support? What specific humanitarian support has France provided to Ethiopia in response to internal displacement, conflict-affected populations, and basic service gaps, and how does Paris plan to scale this support going forward?

Over the past few years, we have focused on addressing the humanitarian fallout of conflict, particularly the war in the north. Our objective is to improve the living conditions of affected populations through various ongoing initiatives. For this year alone, we have 11 projects underway, backed by fresh funding, which cover a broad spectrum of humanitarian needs across the country. In the health sector, we are currently rehabilitating hospitals in Dessie, Aballah, and Adwa, spanning the Amhara, Afar, and Tigray regions. These efforts include supporting emergency health services and providing a specialized response to survivors of gender-based violence who suffered through terrible crimes during the conflict in those regions.

To bolster food security and restore livelihoods, we are providing farmers in Tigray, Afar, and Amhara with improved seeds, poultry, and cattle. The goal of this project is to restore agricultural productivity and reduce the population’s long-term reliance on food aid in these conflict-stricken areas. Our WASH  [Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene] initiatives are equally vital. During a recent visit, we observed the restoration of essential water services to mitigate public health risks in conflict-affected zones. This includes work in Gambella with the UNHCR for the benefit of South Sudanese refugees. Additionally, we are providing emergency food assistance and nutrition programs for Sudanese refugees in the Benishangul-Gumuz and Amhara regions.

While addressing humanitarian needs is critical, it is not the only requirement for resolving a conflict. To fully terminate the cycle of violence, issues of accountability and criminal justice must be addressed. We believe that helping a population recover from a terrible conflict necessitates a fight against impunity. France has constantly advocated for this principle, both in Ethiopia and globally. It is essential to address the terrible crimes perpetrated during the war in the north by documenting violations and preparing for a genuine justice process.

Consequently, we welcomed the announcement of a transitional justice framework in Ethiopia. The plan, as announced, is impressive and incorporates the key elements necessary to ensure that justice is delivered. This was a significant commitment by the Ethiopian authorities, and we now hope for its swift and effective implementation. In this regard, I have conveyed to all my interlocutors—including the Ministry of Justice, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, the Supreme Court, the United Nations, and various civil society organizations—that France stands ready to support the implementation of this justice process.

In the context of ongoing conflicts and peace processes in Ethiopia, including implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, what role does France believe it should play to support dialogue, reconciliation, and accountability for past and present abuses?

When we speak about conflict resolution, the prevention of hostilities is very important. We have a good basis to work from regarding the conflict that struck this country a few years ago, including the Pretoria Agreement, which was a milestone. Unfortunately, it has been endangered by a number of tensions, including over the last few days, and its implementation has been delayed. Together with my colleague, we have been speaking to the parties and signatories, calling for a peaceful settlement of the current tensions and the full implementation of the agreement.

What happened over the last days is very concerning. As you know, the European Union—and France as part of it—issued a statement last Sunday. What we want, of course, is the de‑escalation of any hostilities and for the underlying problems to be addressed. There are many difficulties, but they must be resolved.

In our view, the number one issue is the question of internally displaced persons [IDPs]. I have visited a number of IDP camps in Tigray; it is heartbreaking. They have been displaced for over four or five years; it is unbearable. The priority is that they must be able to return to their homes, and all parties must cooperate fully toward this end. We advocate strongly in this sense and fully support these returns. Of course, as a partner, we cannot take decisions in their place, but I can tell you we strongly urge that this happen as fully and as soon as possible. This remains our number one priority.

Have you made contact with the signatories regarding the recent military confrontation?

Yes, we did. We spoke on a regular basis to them. As a partner of Ethiopia, we spoke on the importance of full implementation of the agreement. And I would say that both are committed and engaged well in the support towards the level of commitment expected from them. 

Maritime access has become an important agenda for the Ethiopian government and people. In 2024, French President Emmanuel Macron described Ethiopia’s quest for sea access as legitimate. What, in your view, are the grounds for this legitimacy?

Indeed, President Macron was here a little over a year ago and noted that it is perfectly legitimate for a country to diversify its access to the sea. Of course, this must be done in full respect of international law and through peaceful dialogue and consultation with neighbors—respecting international law and engaging with them directly.

The question of sea access for landlocked countries is a very specific one. We have certain experience with this in Europe, where there are many landlocked nations. Today, however, sea access is not a problem. This was not always the case—in Europe, and in France as well, it has not always been so straightforward. But over the years, through consultation, negotiation, and discussion, European countries have settled these issues. Sea access is no longer a problem precisely because discussion and building confidence, underpinned by full respect for international law, made it possible to resolve the matter.

It takes time perhaps because building that trust takes time. We Europeans would be very happy to share this experience. We believe it is something that could be useful and relevant here, as it has been elsewhere in the world.

How do you envision supporting this goal within the bounds of international law while balancing respect for the sovereignty of neighboring countries as well as regional stability?

As I said, we encourage all stakeholders to speak to each other and to find solutions that benefit both sides. It may seem complex, but when you consider it, as long as both sides benefit, it should be feasible. What is important, of course, is to have conducive conditions and a confident relationship. Without trust, without confidence, you cannot establish this. But trust is something that can be built. It can be constructed.

How do you view the recurring rejection of Ethiopia’s regional interests by neighboring countries like Eritrea, where the quest for sea access is often characterized as a precursor to conflict? From a diplomatic perspective, how do you evaluate these concerns?

To my knowledge, Ethiopia has not waged any war, and that is a very good thing—of course that would not be the proper way forward. This week, in fact, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia spoke to Parliament regarding this question of sea access, stating that he did not want to see anyone die, anyone killed. So, I take it that there is clearly no intention for war.

In my view, if you want to address this issue, it must be done through negotiation, and it is always possible to negotiate. The request from Ethiopia is legitimate, and the perceptions of the state are also legitimate. However, there is nothing that cannot be solved through discussion and consultation.

France’s military cooperation—specifically the support provided to help Ethiopia establish a navy—is frequently cited as a catalyst for Ethiopia’s ambitions to secure a sea outlet. What is your perspective on this, and how does France balance this partnership with the current regional sensitivities?

The issue of supporting Ethiopia to build a navy is not connected to the question of sea access; it is unrelated. It is true that we have cooperation to accompany the development of an Ethiopian navy—again, this is a legitimate undertaking. This project will take time, even though we see very impressive and capable individuals leading it here, essentially starting from the beginning. I am quite sure that by the time the Ethiopian navy has developed its capacities, the question of sea access will already have been settled through trust and discussion.

Israel has become the first UN member state to recognize Somaliland as an independent nation. Given Ethiopia’s engagement with Somaliland and broader regional sensitivities that it had with Somalia and Eritrea, how does France view Somaliland’s recognition and its implications for peace and stability in the Horn of Africa?

This issue was discussed at the UN Security Council in New York at the end of December. At the time, France reaffirmed its commitment to Somalia’s unity, territorial integrity, and sovereignty, in full accordance with the United Nations Charter.

And at that time, my country reaffirmed our commitment to Somalia’s unity, to Somalia’s territorial integrity, and sovereignty in line with the United Nations Charter. So, frankly for us, when it comes to Somalia, the priority should be the fight against terrorism, particularly against Al-Shabaab. As for other matters, internal Somali disputes should be resolved through dialogue.

Do you still maintain that position today?

Yes, of course.

And looking ahead, given the historical ties and long-standing relationship between France and Somalia, how do you envision the future regarding Somaliland’s recognition by the international community?

At this stage, we are not there. As I mentioned earlier, France remains firmly committed to Somalia’s unity, territorial integrity, and sovereignty. As for other issues, it is for the Somali people themselves to resolve them, in full respect of their sovereignty.

But what do you think the implications would be for Africa as a whole if Somaliland were to gain broader international recognition?

I cannot comment on that. But, for us, Somalia is one country. This is the position of the African Union member states, and it is also the position that we reiterated in New York following the announcement of recognition by another country. Like I said, we made the statement clear in New York.

Have you raised this position in discussions with international and regional organizations such as IGAD or the African Union? Have you also communicated this position to them as well?

Of course. I believe our position is fully consistent with that of the African Union. We are not a member of the African Union, but we are a close partner, and our stance aligns with theirs.

It has now been three years since the brutal war began in Sudan, resulting in one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. What actions has France taken diplomatically to help end the war and support humanitarian assistance? How does France view its role in this crisis?

It is indeed one of the most severe humanitarian crises in the world today, alongside Gaza. France has sought to play a role, both diplomatically and on the humanitarian front, to help bring an end to this devastating war. We have worked to provide responses on both fronts. In April 2024, nearly two years ago, we organized the Paris International Conference on Sudan to mobilize international support and humanitarian assistance for affected populations. Our aim was to address the humanitarian dimension of the conflict while also working with the European Union, the United Nations, and the African Union to support political solutions and stabilization efforts.

Looking ahead, France will co-organizer, together with Germany, another international conference on Sudan next April. The goal is to further mobilize international efforts and support for the Sudanese people. So yes, we remain fully engaged.

How does France view its role in this regard?

Our focus has been primarily on the humanitarian dimension. As I mentioned earlier, addressing humanitarian needs is essential when seeking to resolve a conflict—you must help people in need. Of course, this alone is not sufficient. A political solution is also crucial. There are already several groups and frameworks working toward this goal, which aim at achieving a political settlement and a cessation of hostilities. As far as France is concerned, we try to remain particularly active on the humanitarian front.

Some reports suggest that France is shifting its focus from West Africa to East Africa after losing influence in Francophone countries. Recent statements from the Russian Federation have even claimed that France is seeking “political revenge” after losing ground in West Africa. How do you respond to these claims? Is France seeking to establish a new sphere of influence in East Africa, and if so, why East Africa?

I think this is a misrepresentation—and frankly, one that largely originates from Russian narratives. I am not surprised. In reality, France began rethinking its approach to Africa eight years ago, in 2017. That year, President Macron delivered a speech in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, in which he clearly stated that France needed to fundamentally renew its relationship with the African continent.

For many years, what we referred to as “Françafrique” defined our relations—a system of overly close and personalized ties between political leaders. This is something no one wants anymore. Our aim was to move toward a new approach that better reflects the expectations of younger generations, focuses on people-to-people relations, values the role of the diaspora, and supports youth employment, economic development, and entrepreneurship.

That was the first major shift: moving away from primarily political and military cooperation toward a more open, youth-oriented approach. The second shift was geographic. For too long, France’s engagement with Africa was centered almost exclusively on West Africa and French-speaking countries. But Africa is far broader than that. We wanted to expand our cooperation with other regions of the continent—and that is precisely when our relationship with Ethiopia deepened, about six years ago.

President Macron visited Ethiopia and recognized the country’s importance. France has a long history here—we were the second country to recognize Ethiopia, 129 years ago. There is also the Ethiopian–French School, which has existed for over 80 years. Despite this history, our cooperation had not been as close as it is today. That has now changed. So, this shift does not mean that we have abandoned West Africa. Africa cannot be reduced solely to countries with which we have historical or linguistic ties.

However, that doesn’t mean that we have stopped our relation with West African countries. As for France, we continue to work with all African countries that wish to work with us, and where cooperation is mutually beneficial. Our partnerships are based on mutual interest, respect, and shared objectives.

In a recent address, President Macron warned against Europe falling into danger following President Trump’s recent actions—including the threat of 25 percent tariffs on French goods and his aggressive moves in the Arctic. How does the French government view the impact of American ‘superpower’ unilateralism?

Let me focus first on how France views the impact of recent US unilateral actions. Two weeks ago in Davos, France’s president emphasized the importance of cooperation and trust, especially among allies. We are part of an alliance—NATO—and we have been working together for many years. The quality of this relationship is extremely important.

For us, what matters is that, for the last 80 years, the world has operated within a governance framework known as the United Nations, anchored in the UN Charter. We believe this remains the only relevant way to collectively govern our planet. Multilateralism means that we are all equal, that we all have a say, and that we adhere to agreed rules.

Some recent developments and statements we have heard over the past few weeks are not fully consistent with this framework.

Do you believe this universally accepted system of global governance can endure under such pressures?

If you look at the numbers, there are 193 member states of the United Nations, and the vast, vast majority want this system to continue. A few countries are currently challenging it—it is not only the United States—but most of us want a rules-based global order, one that offers predictability and prioritizes cooperation over what I would call brute-force relations. It is therefore up to all of us to make this work, to be vocal about it, and to defend it collectively.

What are France’s long-term priorities for cooperation with Ethiopia in areas such as economic development, security, cultural exchange, and diplomacy, and how will these be aligned with Ethiopia’s own development and peace objectives?

We already have a wide range of cooperation programs and partnerships in place. If I may take a step back and look at the bigger picture, we will soon be participating in a very important event in Nairobi: the Africa Forward Summit. The discussions will address international financial architecture, energy transition, green industry, the blue economy, connectivity, artificial intelligence, sustainable agriculture, and health. The aim is to deepen partnerships through these economic priorities. Ethiopia already serves as a strong example and a testing ground for several of these initiatives, but our approach extends across the continent.