As Ethiopia approaches its seventh general elections on June 1, the country finds itself at a delicate juncture. A recent assessment by the National Security Council (NSC) has concluded that the current situation enables the polls to go ahead in most parts of the country even as the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) is preparing to deploy a team, comprised of the Board, political parties and CSOs, to evaluate the security situation in the areas where polling stations are located. The NSC’s assessment is hard to swallow for citizens who have endured years of political turbulence and conflict. Beneath this official confidence lies a fundamental distrust of the entire electoral by opposition parties, who argue that security and administrative hurdles threaten to render the elections meaningless. Their complaints cannot simply be brushed aside. If Ethiopia is to hold elections that are free, fair, and democratic, the government must resist the temptation of categorical denial and instead work to ensure enabling conditions for all participants.
Elections are not merely about logistics or the ability to open polling stations. They are about legitimacy. For legitimacy to exist, citizens must believe that the process is fair, that their voices matter, and that competing parties have a genuine chance to contest power. Opposition parties’ perennial excoriations of the government over intimidation, restricted access, or administrative bias are not trivial grievances. They go to the heart of whether the election can fulfill its democratic purpose. Dismissing such charges outright is apt to deepen mistrust and undermine the credibility of the outcome.
The government’s insistence that the elections are a “critical necessity” is understandable. Ethiopia needs a functioning democratic process to stabilize its politics and move beyond cycles of conflict. Necessity though cannot justify ignoring the conditions under which elections are held. A vote conducted in an atmosphere of fear or exclusion will not heal divisions; it will exacerbate them. The government should therefore take seriously the complaints of its rivals and view them not as obstacles to be made light of but as opportunities to strengthen the process.
Opposition parties have pointed to both security and administrative hurdles. In some areas, the presence of armed groups or unresolved tensions makes campaigning dangerous. In others, bureaucratic obstacles—such as difficulties in registering candidates or undertaking campaigns—create the perception of partisanship. These issues are not insurmountable. However, they require acknowledgment and action. Security forces must be deployed in ways that protect all citizens, not intimidate them. And electoral authorities need to ensure transparency and fairness in registration, card distribution, and ballot access. Even small administrative reforms can build confidence if they are implemented openly and equitably.
Blanket denial of these concerns is counterproductive. It signals to citizens that the government is unwilling to listen, unwilling to compromise, and unwilling to uphold the spirit of democracy. Worse, it could very well delegitimize the election before it even takes place. Ethiopia’s history has shown that contested elections can fuel instability. It is therefore incumbent on the government to adopt a different posture: one of engagement, dialogue, and responsiveness. Acknowledging the validity of at least some of the accusations leveled against it by opposition groups and taking steps to address them can go some way towards demonstrating its commitment to democratic principles and reassure citizens that the process is genuine.
The international community will also be watching closely. Ethiopia’s elections are not only a domestic matter; they are a test of the country’s credibility abroad. Donors, partners, and regional organizations will assess whether the polls meet basic standards of fairness. If opposition concerns are ignored, Ethiopia risks skepticism and even condemnation. Conversely, if the government demonstrates a willingness to listen and adapt, it can strengthen its standing and attract support for a genuine democratic transition.
Needless to say, the responsibility of conducting a successful election primarily lies with Ethiopia’s leaders. They must recognize that democracy is not about perfection but about trust. Trust is built when citizens see that their concerns are heard, that their rights are respected, and that their votes count. This requires humility from those in power, a willingness to admit shortcomings, and a commitment to continuous improvement. Elections are not a one-day event; they are part of a broader democratic journey. Through a constructive engagement with opposition parties regarding their legitimate complaints, the government can lay the foundation for a stable and inclusive future.
As June 1 approaches, Ethiopia is on the edge. The security establishment may or may not be right that the elections can proceed in most parts of the country. But the question is not only whether they can be held—it is whether they can be meaningful. The government must resist the temptation of denial and instead embrace the harder but more rewarding path of dialogue and reform. Voting is a fundamental democratic right, and for it to matter, citizens must believe the process is fair. Ethiopia’s leaders must ensure that enabling conditions exist, not only for the sake of the opposition but for the sake of the nation’s democratic future.
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