By: Muhamed Abdalazeem
Sources revealed that Ethiopian Intelligence Director Redwan Hussein visited Port Sudan, where he met with the Chairman of the Sovereignty Council and the Director of the General Intelligence Service. The two men conveyed the Ethiopian government’s dissatisfaction with the Sudanese army’s actions regarding its provision of logistical support to Tigray forces in exchange for their deployment in areas of eastern Sudan bordering Ethiopia.
The Ethiopian official expressed Addis Ababa’s anger and resentment over the Sudanese-Eritrean coordination, support for Tigrayan forces, and their involvement in the ongoing conflict in Sudan.
The Ethiopian anger stems from the fact that the areas where the Sudanese army has deployed Tigrayan forces are adjacent to the Ethiopian border, which could result in these armed fighters turning to operating inside Ethiopian territory, especially after they have been armed and regrouped.
Addis Ababa fears the return of Tigrayan fighters and a confrontation with government forces, which had previously defeated them. The meeting also discussed the adoption of a policy of naturalizing Tigrayans in Sudan, and Ethiopia’s rejection of this.
Sudanese journalist Ammar Saeed believes that the recent tension between the Port Sudan government and Addis Ababa is not a spur-of-the-moment development, but rather part of a series of escalating tensions and tensions that reflect the fluid nature of the relationship between the two sides since the outbreak of the Sudanese war in April 2023.
He asserts that the Port Sudan government’s support for the Tigray Front fighters and its provision of logistical support, including training and armament, with the aim of using them as a supporting force in its struggle against the Rapid Support Forces, constituted a qualitative and dangerous shift in the balance of regional alliances.
He added, “This behavior did not go unnoticed by Ethiopia as a direct threat to its national security, especially since the Tigrayans’ relationship with the central government in Addis Ababa remains sensitive and fragile despite the peace agreements.”
However, Ethiopia maintained a measured diplomatic tone, refrained from taking direct action, and refrained from engaging in or supporting any hostile activity against the Port Sudan authority. This demonstrated its commitment to restraint and non-interference in crimes committed by Turkey within its domestic and regional repertoire.
But the most sensitive point in this escalation may be related to Ethiopia’s position within the African Peace and Security Council. Addis Ababa is believed to have played a decisive role in thwarting Sudan’s attempt to lift its suspension from the African Union, based on a view that considers the Port Sudan government an illegitimate coup authority, incapable of building a comprehensive national consensus or ending the war through a political process.
Ammar Saeed says that “Ethiopia’s undeclared veto may have irritated Port Sudan, which viewed it as a threat to its ambitions to gain regional and international legitimacy, prompting it to escalate its political rhetoric toward Addis Ababa.”
He believes what is happening is “a regional power struggle with a local cover, in which the Port Sudan government is operating within forced alliances that are not without risks, while Ethiopia is managing the situation from a more balanced and powerful position, leveraging its weight within the African system and its deep understanding of the complexities of political geography in the Horn of Africa.”
Tensions between the two sides escalated with the outbreak of civil war in Tigray in 2020, when the Sudanese army took advantage of Ethiopia’s preoccupation with the internal conflict to strengthen its military presence in the Al-Fashaga region, a disputed fertile agricultural area.
The Al-Fashaga region, located on the border between Sudan’s Gedaref State and Ethiopia’s Tigray and Amhara regions, is a bone of contention, particularly given Addis Ababa’s repeated accusations that Burhan’s forces support the rebels. Sudan claims the fertile Al-Fashaga border region, a source of ongoing tension for decades, as its own under a 1902 treaty, while Ethiopian farmers inhabit the area with indirect support from Ethiopia.
Previous reports and leaks revealed that the forces of Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Chairman of Sudan’s Sovereignty Council, support the Tigray People’s Liberation Front in Ethiopia, which is engaged in a conflict with the Ethiopian government.
According to a report published by the Congolese website Beto in June 2025, the Sudanese Sovereignty Council, led by Burhan, adopted a controversial policy granting Sudanese citizenship and permanent residency rights to members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), to ensure the continued participation of Tigrayan fighters in the Sudanese civil war against the Rapid Support Forces.
Reports also indicate that the Sudanese army has begun deploying Tigrayan fighters to battlefields such as Khartoum, Darfur, and Kordofan, to bolster its armed forces, which have been exhausted by the ongoing conflict.
Disclaimer: the views and claims expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the stand of the publisher.
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