The Price Of Cheap Labor: Inside Ethiopia’s Chinese Industrial Boom | The Reporter Ethiopia

An investigation into labor abuses, weak oversight and the struggle over workers’ rights

At 23, Medina Kemal thought a job at one of the Chinese-owned garment factories inside the Adama Industrial Park would offer stability and independence. Instead, she says, it introduced her to intimidation, unsafe working conditions and the risks of trying to organize workers in Ethiopia’s expanding industrial parks.

Medina, who asked that the factory’s name be withheld for fear of reprisals against former colleagues, worked for four years in the cutting and trimming section before her employment ended abruptly after she helped workers discuss forming a trade union.

“We used to gather every Sunday outside the compound,” she recalled. “But the company had informants, and once they found out, everything changed.”

According to Medina, supervisors deliberately isolated her from co-workers after learning of the organizing effort. “They transferred me to a section where I could not talk to anyone,” she said.

She also described incidents she says reflected a broader pattern of abuse inside the factory. In one case, a Chinese duty controller allegedly sprayed workers with a chemical softener while they were leaving for the dormitory, injuring several employees. The Chinese worker was later arrested, she said. In another dispute, a manager accused Medina of misplacing a key before security camera footage allegedly showed the manager himself had hidden it.

Her dismissal, Medina said, came shortly after she requested three days of leave to care for her sick mother. “When I returned, they told me I was no longer allowed to work,” she said. She believes the decision was linked to her complaints about wages and treatment inside the factory. Workers often earned less than USD 30 a month, she said, while pregnant employees were expected to continue working under unsafe conditions.

“The food was so unhealthy I preferred not to eat it,” she added.

Similar accounts emerged from other workers inside the industrial park.

Feyisa Abera — whose name has been changed for security reasons — is a member of the workers’ union at Kingdom Ethiopia Linen Plc, another Chinese-owned company operating inside the Adama Industrial Park. The factory employs more than 1,200 workers.

According to Feyisa, nearly 800 employees joined the union before management began pressuring organizers.

“I was detained because of my union activities until Oromia regional officials intervened,” he said. Since then, he added, collective bargaining has stalled, union membership fees have reportedly been withheld and employees routinely work 12-hour shifts without breaks or medical services.

“If someone wants to rest, they sleep against cement walls with no shelter,” he said.

Accounts from workers inside the Hawassa Industrial Park describe similar conditions.

Tesfaye Girma, who has worked for 10 months at a Chinese-owned solar panel factory there, said he entered the job expecting financial stability but instead encountered dangerous labor practices. “I thought I would earn money and support myself, but it is abusive,” he said.

Without forklifts or proper handling equipment, workers carry 25-kilogram chemical loads on their shoulders, climb heights of up to 10 meters without adequate safety gear and manually push 1,000-liter containers, he said. “Many workers suffer back pain, but there is no emergency medical service,” Tesfaye explained.

Benefits promised during recruitment — including nutritional supplements such as milk and eggs — never materialized, he said. Pregnant workers continue working until late stages of pregnancy, often without additional breaks.

“If you get sick, you must provide both a doctor’s note and proof of payment,” he said. “Otherwise, sick leave is denied.”

Another worker in Hawassa, who also requested anonymity, described handling toxic chemical waste without protective clothing. “We were eager to join the industrial park, but the reality is different,” he said. “The wage is tiny, and there are no alternatives.”

Workers interviewed by The Reporter said their concerns were not primarily about wage increases, but about access to basic protections: gloves and masks, adequate food, soap, safer working conditions and proper resting areas.

They also said many workers lack awareness of labor rights or mechanisms for collective bargaining, leaving them vulnerable in disputes with employers.

Trade Unions Under Pressure

Kenean Maru, head of the Sidama branch of the Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions, said attempts to establish trade unions inside Chinese-owned factories are highly risky.

“Ethiopia has labor laws,” he said. “But enforcement remains extremely difficult, particularly inside industrial parks where many Chinese companies operate.”

According to Kenean, some garment workers have been forced to organize outside factory compounds because union activity is effectively prohibited inside workplaces. “The confederation itself is often not allowed to enter factories. That makes organizing extremely difficult. Trade unions are essential for stable labor relations,” he said.

Kenean claims that resistance to labor organizing is especially pronounced inside solar manufacturing plants, where workers endure long hours and physically demanding conditions.

“These factories generate significant revenue, but employees carry a heavy burden,” he said. “Some workers are experiencing severe psychological stress because of the workload.”

Many disputes, he argued, could be resolved through negotiation if workers were allowed formal representation. “Instead, employees are dismissed, and the confederation is unable to intervene,” he said. “This requires government attention.”

Melka Telila, head of the Adama branch of the Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions, said only a handful of Chinese-owned factories in the region have functioning trade unions — among them Kingdom Ethiopia Linen Plc, Antex Group, New Bridge Factory and Sunshine Ethiopia Wool Textile Plc.

Even then, he said, the unions were established outside factory compounds because companies resisted organizing efforts inside workplaces, despite Ethiopian law placing no restriction on where unions may be formed.

“At Sunshine, the union has remained weak,” Melka said. “The company constantly pressures employees, and several union leaders were dismissed or forced out. With our intervention, some were later reinstated.”

At Antex, he said, management initially refused to deduct the legally mandated one-percent union membership contribution from workers’ salaries until the dispute reached the Labor Relations Board.

“After that, the company showed some improvement,” he noted.

But intimidation and pressure against union members continue across many factories, Melka said, describing the practice as both widespread and unlawful.

At Kingdom Ethiopia, tensions escalated earlier this year after prolonged disputes between management and union representatives. In the first week of April, workers launched a strike and police arrested nine union leaders.

Following negotiations involving Oromia regional authorities and CETU officials, the detained workers were released and reinstated within days, according to Melka. No charges were ultimately filed against either the workers or factory management.

The incident, he said, underscored both the fragility of labor organizing efforts and the absence of consistent enforcement mechanisms.

“Whenever unions are formed in Chinese-owned factories — whether in Mojo, Bishoftu or Adama — we see strong resistance, intimidation and attempts to dismiss employees,” he said. “We continue taking cases all the way to the Cassation Bench.”

Melka argued that stronger government oversight is necessary to ensure investors comply with labor laws. “We believe trade unions improve productivity,” he added. “The media also has a role in ensuring workers’ rights are respected.”

Weak Oversight, Limited Bargaining Power

Kalid Getye, executive director of the Ethiopian Labor Rights Watch, said labor conditions in industrial parks have improved in some areas because of pressure from export markets but structural problems remain deeply entrenched.

“Some trade unions exist only in name,” he said. “They lack the capacity and bargaining strength to negotiate wages and working conditions effectively.”

Labor inspection systems are also weak, he argued, limiting oversight inside factories. He called for stronger external monitoring mechanisms and regular compliance reviews tied to investment-license renewals.

“Industrial parks are not labor-law-free zones,” he said. “Ethiopia already has labor laws. More work needs to be done by the government and NGOs to ensure these laws are upheld.”

Kalid also criticized what he described as a business model built around extremely low labor costs. “The concept of ‘cheap labor’ is inherently abusive,” he said. “When unions become vocal about workers’ rights, companies often retaliate. This is especially visible in many Asian-owned factories.”

According to Kalid, labor violations are not limited to industrial parks but are also prevalent in large-scale construction projects operated by foreign firms, where workers often receive low wages and face unsafe conditions.

Still, he said, Chinese companies stand apart in their resistance to negotiation. “In Western or other non-Chinese companies, at least there is space to sit down and negotiate,” he said. “In many Chinese companies, that is nearly impossible.”

Growth Without Wage Floors

China has become Ethiopia’s largest source of foreign direct investment, according to recent data from the Ethiopian Investment Commission. Chinese state-owned enterprises and private firms now dominate major segments of the country’s manufacturing, infrastructure and construction sectors.

For the Ethiopian government, industrial parks were designed to accelerate exports, create jobs and transform the country into a manufacturing hub. But labor advocates argue that the model has also produced a race to the bottom in wages and workplace protections.

A 2024 report by the International Labour Organization found that Ethiopia remains among a small number of African countries without a formal minimum-wage system, alongside Eritrea, Somalia and South Sudan.

Although Ethiopia’s 2019 Labor Proclamation established the legal basis for a national wage board, implementation has stalled for years. According to CETU officials, draft regulations required to establish the board have now been finalized and submitted to the Office of the Prime Minister. The proposed structure would bring together representatives from government, employers and labor unions to determine minimum wage standards across sectors including manufacturing and construction.

Meanwhile, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, in its 2025 observation report on the Hawassa and Adama Industrial Park, documented serious violations affecting women workers and renewed calls for the establishment of minimum wage protections.

Officials at the Industrial Parks Development Corporation, however, reject the characterization of systemic abuse.

Pawlos Belete, the corporation’s head of corporate communications, said irregularities may occur occasionally inside industrial parks but argued that oversight systems are functioning.

“The parks are prepared with full infrastructure, and labor issues are handled by the relevant institutions,” he said. “Overall, the situation is positive, regulators are conducting regular monitoring, and operations are proceeding according to established procedures.”

Yet for many workers and labor organizers, skepticism persists.

Critics argue that the benefits have come with significant social costs: weak labor protections, suppressed organizing efforts, low wages and concerns that Ethiopia’s industrialization strategy is being driven more by investor priorities than by workers’ welfare.

Questions Over Transparency and Accountability

Concerns surrounding Chinese investment in Ethiopia extend well beyond industrial parks.

Interviews, court records and policy studies reviewed by The Reporter point to recurring allegations involving irregular procurement practices, labor abuses, weak regulatory oversight and the sidelining of domestic businesses through close political and financial backing from both state institutions.

Some Chinese firms employ expatriates in positions legally reserved for Ethiopian professionals and underreport salaries paid to foreign staff — practices that could carry tax implications.

Questions over workplace safety also intensified following a deadly fire during the construction of the Adey Ababa Stadium, where seven Ethiopian workers employed by China State Construction Engineering Corporation were killed and dozens injured. Workers and relatives later alleged that laborers lacked basic protective equipment, including gloves and steel-toed boots, and were housed in unsafe living quarters near the construction site.

A 2022 study conducted jointly by the Ethiopian Economics Association and the University of London also found significantly higher levels of reported abuse in Chinese-owned companies compared with Ethiopian and other foreign-owned firms.

According to the study, 45 percent of workers in Chinese construction companies reported experiencing verbal abuse, compared with 20 percent in Ethiopian firms and 22 percent in other foreign-owned companies. 17 percent also reported physical abuse. In Chinese manufacturing companies, 62 percent reported verbal abuse and 22 percent reported physical abuse.

Researchers and labor advocates also point to weak knowledge transfer, frequent contract terminations and poor compliance with labor standards as recurring concerns.

A January 2026 diagnostic report by the Policy Studies Institute titled Development of Industrial Parks (Special Economic Zones) in Ethiopia: Performance and Policy Implications; identified high employee turnover, low wages, poor working conditions and the absence of minimum wage regulations among the major challenges affecting Ethiopia’s industrialization strategy.

The report noted that employment inside industrial parks declined from roughly 90,000 workers in 2020 to about 70,000 in 2025. Women account for nearly half the workforce, largely because the sector is dominated by textile and garment manufacturing.

Another recent research paper, Coaxing Compliance: Ethiopian Lawyers, Chinese Companies, and the Cultivation of Respect, funded by the European Research Council and published by the University of Oxford, examined how Ethiopian lawyers working with Chinese firms navigate repeated disputes over compliance with Ethiopian law. The study documented accounts from lawyers who described persistent resistance by some expatriate managers toward Ethiopia’s legal and judicial systems.

One lawyer identified in the study as Eshetu, who worked for two Chinese state-owned firms over nearly a decade, described what he characterized as a pattern of disregard for local laws.

“They take advantage of our poverty and abuse the system,” he said in the report. “They do not want to respect Ethiopian laws.”

According to the paper, some expatriate managers initially viewed Ethiopia’s regulatory institutions as weak and expected flexibility in exchange for their role in development projects. Researchers also pointed to racial hierarchies, managerial turnover and imported workplace practices as factors complicating compliance.

Still, the study concluded that litigation in Ethiopian courts increasingly forced companies to adapt.

“Noncompliance backfired,” the report stated, arguing that repeated lawsuits gradually pushed some firms to revise internal policies and practices.

Industrialization at a Crossroads

Another report from the Policy Studies Institute — Chinese Investment in Ethiopia: Contribution, Challenges, Opportunities and Policy Recommendations — warned that investment incentives are sometimes misused by both foreign investors and Ethiopian officials.

The study also identified rising labor unrest as a growing concern inside Chinese-owned firms.

At times, however, the report criticized workers as well, arguing that strikes often occur abruptly and without prior negotiation. “Workers can present their concerns to management before resorting to strikes,” the report noted.

As a remedy, researchers recommended a stronger tripartite dispute-resolution mechanism involving workers, employers and government labor institutions, including the Ministry of Labor and regional labor bureaus.

Influence and the Question of Dependence

A London-based investment lawyer familiar with Chinese commercial operations in Africa said many Chinese investors operating in fragile democracies systematically exploit legal loopholes and weak regulatory systems to secure political and economic influence.

Speaking on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue, the lawyer argued that some investors prioritize strategic leverage over long-term economic partnership.

“Rather than building constructive business models, many focus on acquiring influence,” he said. “If they are allowed to reach the point of market dominance, reversing that influence later becomes extremely difficult.”

The lawyer described the trend as a modern form of economic colonization enabled not only by foreign actors but also by weak domestic oversight.

Researchers at the University of Oxford reached similar conclusions in a recent study examining labor disputes involving Chinese companies in Ethiopia. The paper documented large numbers of lawsuits related to violations of labor law.

The findings reflect a broader global debate about the contrasting investment models promoted by China and Western governments.

Western trade and investment frameworks increasingly tie overseas business activity to environmental protections, labor standards, human rights safeguards and governance requirements. Though often criticized by recipient countries as intrusive or bureaucratic, such conditions generally create documentation requirements, oversight structures and accountability mechanisms.

Chinese investment, by contrast, is widely associated with a policy of non-interference and fewer political conditions simultaneously weakening transparency standards.

The Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development found that only one out of 23 Chinese loans or loan-linked projects across Africa included full disclosure throughout the project lifecycle. A separate assessment by the World Bank warned that hidden debt arrangements and opaque restructuring agreements increasingly complicate efforts to assess whether debtor nations are genuinely regaining financial stability.

In its 2025 Investment Climate Statement on Ethiopia, the United States Department of State also raised concerns about Chinese state-backed enterprises benefiting from non-market advantages and bypassing local labor regulations.

Scholars and policy analysts argue that such opacity creates fertile ground for corruption and can deepen inequality instead of producing genuine growth.

Still, analysts caution that responsibility does not rest solely with foreign investors.

African governments themselves, they argue, have frequently accepted opaque financing terms without public disclosure, allowing major projects and debt agreements to proceed with limited scrutiny.

Measuring the Real Return

Official Ethiopian data indicates that Chinese companies and contractors are currently involved in nearly 5,000 projects nationwide, making China by far Ethiopia’s largest foreign investment partner.

But economists and researchers say the actual long-term benefits remain difficult to measure.

A July 2025 study by PSI found significant gaps in reliable data concerning investor profiles, technology transfer and cost-benefit analysis related to FDI.

The report recommended tying investment incentives to measurable performance indicators such as job creation, export earnings and technology transfer rather than granting broad tax incentives.

Researchers also warned that Ethiopia’s growing dependence on Chinese capital carries strategic risks. With Chinese firms accounting for more than half of the country’s foreign investment portfolio, a major slowdown in Chinese financing could create severe economic disruptions. The study further cautioned that heavy debt exposure linked to Chinese-backed projects may generate long-term vulnerabilities if repayment pressures intensify.

Executives from Chinese companies reject claims that their investments fail to benefit Ethiopia.

At a 2026 investment forum in Addis Ababa, Wei Qiangyu, chief executive of China Communications Construction Company Ethiopia, said the company employs roughly 10,000 Ethiopians alongside about 1,000 Chinese staff and has spent nearly three decades building major infrastructure projects across the country.

Another company executive, Tian Zhenke of CCCC First Highway Engineering, told The Reporter that the firm has completed more than 120 projects in Ethiopia since the construction of Addis Ababa’s Ring Road and currently manages 36 additional projects.

“We intend to stay here for another 100 years,” he said, describing Ethiopia as a long-term partner.

Yet despite decades of involvement, critics say evidence of meaningful technology and knowledge transfer remains limited.

Atlaw Alemu (PhD), an economist at Addis Ababa University, argued that many investment gains appear impressive statistically but produce limited benefits within the domestic economy.

“The figures often look large on paper,” he said, “but the benefits can be hollow.”

According to Atlaw, some foreign investors rely heavily on narrow networks of intermediaries rather than building broad local supply chains or creating high-quality employment opportunities.

He also argued that Ethiopia’s repeated promotion of “cheap labor” as a competitive advantage risks institutionalizing poverty wages. Although employers frequently cite low labor productivity as justification for low wages, Atlaw said productivity itself depends on decent working conditions, fair pay and workforce stability.

Ethiopia’s regulatory framework governing foreign investment is relatively comprehensive on paper, he noted, but enforcement remains inconsistent. “Transparency is the first requirement of good governance,” Atlaw said. “Without transparency, trust erodes, and intended investment targets become futile.”

Scholars argue that the rapid growth has exposed weaknesses in the country’s regulatory systems and deepened dependence on a single foreign partner.

Mohammed Seid (PhD), a scholar at Bahir Dar University, said foreign investors naturally pursue profit and often gravitate toward environments characterized by low labor costs and weak environmental enforcement.

“The issue is not only the investors,” he said. “Ethiopian institutions also failed to conduct proper due diligence before granting permits.”

According to Mohammed, some Chinese-backed industrial park projects triggered protests and displacement disputes before 2020, while several manufacturers relocated to Ethiopia from Southeast Asian countries such as Cambodia and Myanmar as regulatory costs increased there.

He argued that Ethiopian authorities frequently approved investment licenses without thoroughly assessing companies’ labor practices, environmental records or financial histories.

Transparency, he added, remains one of the sector’s biggest weaknesses. Obtaining detailed investment profiles for companies operating in places like Hawassa or Bole Lemi remains very difficult. “If those records were fully public, there would be more serious scrutiny regarding wages, environmental standards and labor protections.”

While Ethiopia’s investment policies have evolved in recent years, enforcement continues to lag behind official commitments, he argued.

“Investment that ignores labor rights, environmental protections and human rights ultimately threatens long-term national stability,” Mohammed said.

He also criticized the limited integration between Chinese firms and Ethiopian businesses, arguing that many companies prefer operating independently rather than forming joint ventures that could strengthen domestic industries and facilitate knowledge transfer.

“Critical positions are frequently filled by Chinese nationals, while Ethiopians are left with basic manual labor,” he said. “That undermines the development of local expertise.”

For Mohammed, the structure of Ethiopia’s industrialization strategy itself requires closer scrutiny. “The idea of industrial parks was important,” he said. “But when parks are built by Chinese companies, financed by Chinese loans and occupied largely by Chinese investors, the government must ensure they do not become de facto Chinese economic enclaves.”

Construction Sector Dominance

Similar concerns are emerging in Ethiopia’s construction industry, where Chinese state-owned contractors dominate many of the country’s largest infrastructure projects.

Abdu Jemal, a veteran construction engineer and former senior government official, said fragmented local contractors struggle to compete against heavily financed Chinese firms.

According to Abdu, opaque financing arrangements tied to Chinese loans often shape procurement outcomes before tenders are publicly issued.

“The structure of some contracts suggests the financing itself influences who ultimately wins the project,” he said. He also criticized the large number of Chinese workers employed in positions that Ethiopian workers could fill, including drivers, welders, painters and decorators.

A 2020 Directive by the Ministry of Urban Development and Construction, states that foreign work permits should only be granted for positions that cannot be filled domestically or for professions not covered within Ethiopia’s educational system.

Companies are also required to submit regular reports documenting knowledge and technology transfer to local employees. Yet documents reviewed by The Reporter indicate that more than 1,000 Chinese nationals currently hold permits for positions categorized as skilled labor or vocational-level work — roles critics argue could be filled locally.

Abdu said the reality differs sharply from what regulations envision. “In some cases, training materials are prepared only in Chinese, which Ethiopian workers cannot understand,” he said. “Sometimes local professionals are paid simply to lend their licenses without actually participating in training or supervision.”

The result, he argued, is a cycle of dependence in which major infrastructure projects are completed without building sufficient local technical capacity to maintain them.

Abdu also alleged that some Chinese workers receive most of their salaries in China while earning only limited local payments in Ethiopia, reducing tax liabilities. Because many workers live inside isolated compounds rather than participating in the local economy, he said, the financial benefits to surrounding communities remain limited.

He described the pattern as “a new form of colonization.”

Despite decades of Chinese involvement in the country’s infrastructure sector, Abdu said examples of substantial technology transfer remain difficult to identify.

“There is always some degree of skill transfer in foreign investment,” he said. “But after all these years, it is still difficult to find large numbers of Ethiopians with advanced technical expertise acquired directly from these projects.”

A 2024 study published by Palgrave Macmillan reached similar conclusions regarding Chinese participation in the global apparel sector, arguing that rapid industrial growth has often outpaced labor and human rights protections.

The study highlighted that Chinese development financing is frequently insulated from the political and market conditionalities that typically accompany Western-backed programs.

Regulation on Paper, Gaps in Practice

Bereket Tezera, director of construction project inspection at the Ethiopian Construction Works Authority, emphasized local participation and long-term capacity building.

Under current rules, he explained, Ethiopian contractors are eligible to compete for projects valued at up to three billion birr, while larger contracts are opened to international firms.

“The bidding process itself is handled by project owners,” Bereket said. “Our responsibility as regulators is to oversee federal construction projects, including inspection, design oversight and contract administration.”

He acknowledged concerns surrounding the dominance of foreign firms but said the government’s broader objective is to strengthen domestic contractors so they can eventually compete regionally and internationally.

“Foreign companies may wish to remain for decades,” he said. “But our priority is preparing Ethiopian companies to grow, compete beyond Ethiopia and help build the country.”

According to Bereket, the authority is currently developing new strategies aimed at strengthening local construction capacity and evaluating whether foreign firms are complying with legal obligations related to technology and knowledge transfer.

“Technology transfer has occurred to some extent,” he said. “But we still need to assess whether overseas companies are fully meeting their responsibilities.” The authority plans to publish a detailed assessment of foreign firms’ performance, compliance and contribution within the current Ethiopian fiscal year, he added.

Weak Enforcement Capacity

Tiumezgi Berhe, head of labor inspection at the Ministry of Labor and Skills, also acknowledged gaps between Ethiopia’s legal framework and practical enforcement.

Foreign workers are permitted to fill positions where local expertise is unavailable, he said, but companies are legally required to transfer skills to Ethiopian employees over time.

He conceded, however, that implementation remains inconsistent because of institutional limitations and capacity constraints.

He noted that directives governing expatriate labor prohibit work permits for professions already adequately covered by Ethiopia’s education system. Requests are rejected when qualified Ethiopian professionals are available, he said, and penalties — including permit denials and license suspensions — may be imposed where violations occur.

Still, Tiumezgi questioned whether Ethiopia currently has sufficient domestic expertise to immediately replace all expatriate roles.

On allegations involving union suppression and worker arrests, he said the ministry had not received formally substantiated complaints.

“Many allegations circulate as rumors without official complaints from workers, unions, or the confederation,” he said, adding that companies found obstructing union activity could face legal action.

Because labor administration inside regional industrial parks often falls under regional authorities, he added, the federal ministry typically intervenes only when disputes exceed regional institutional capacity.

Despite widespread criticism from labor advocates, Tiumezgi rejected the view that Chinese investment has broadly harmed Ethiopia from a labor-law perspective.

Repeated requests for comment sent to the Ethiopian Investment Commission went unanswered before publication.

The Embassy’s Response

In a written response to questions from The Reporter, the Embassy of China in Ethiopia said the Chinese government consistently instructs overseas companies to comply with the laws of host countries, operate responsibly and fulfil social obligations. The embassy cited official guidelines issued by Beijing directing Chinese companies abroad to strengthen corporate social responsibility practices and improve overseas operational standards.

 Chinese firms operating in Ethiopia are encouraged to prioritize workplace safety, maintain project quality and integrate corporate social responsibility and environmental, social and governance standards into their operations.

The embassy argued that Chinese enterprises have made substantial contributions to Ethiopia’s industrialization, infrastructure development and employment creation.

As Ethiopia and China deepen their political and economic partnership, the debate surrounding Chinese investment increasingly centers not on whether investment is necessary, but on what kind of investment Ethiopia ultimately wants to attract.

For Ethiopian officials, Chinese financing and construction capacity have accelerated industrial park development, infrastructure expansion and manufacturing growth. For labor organizers, researchers and rights advocates, however, those gains have often been accompanied by low wages, limited transparency and insufficient technology transfer.

The challenge facing policymakers is whether Ethiopia can transition from an investment model built largely around cheap labor and weak bargaining power toward one grounded in accountability, sustainable industrialization and broader economic inclusion.